By Ian Shapiro, Kahreen Tebeau
Democracy got here to South Africa in April 1994, while the African nationwide Congress received a landslide victory within the first loose nationwide election within the country's historical past. That definitive and peaceable transition from apartheid is frequently brought up as a version for others to keep on with. the hot order has seeing that survived a number of transitions of ANC management, and it avoided a very likely destabilizing constitutional predicament in 2008. but huge, immense demanding situations stay. Poverty and inequality are one of the maximum on the earth. striking unemployment has fueled xenophobia, leading to lethal aggression directed at refugees and migrant staff from Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Violent crime premiums, fairly homicide and rape, stay grotesquely excessive. The HIV/AIDS pandemic used to be shockingly mishandled on the maximum degrees of presidency, and an infection charges stay overwhelming. regardless of the country's uplifting good fortune of web hosting Africa's first international Cup in 2010, inefficiency and corruption stay rife, infrastructure and easy prone are usually semifunctional, and political competition and a loose media are stressed. during this quantity, significant students chronicle South Africa's achievements and demanding situations because the transition. The contributions, all formerly unpublished, characterize the cutting-edge within the research of South African politics, economics, legislations, and social coverage.
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Additional resources for After Apartheid: Reinventing South Africa?
Neither the macroeconomic nor the institutional nor the political viability of such a program of public expenditure was self-evident. It is unlikely that the South African state has the capacity to expand greatly the number of people employed on public works programs, or to introduce a system of wage subsidies sufﬁciently fast and effectively to make any impact on unemployment. It was also implausible that the state could readily and effectively play the role of a developmental state. It was—and is—therefore likely that the post-Polokwane approach would entail much the same economic growth path as its predecessors, with beneﬁts concentrated among the skilled and already employed, with few (and perhaps even fewer) opportunities for the unskilled and unemployed.
2006, 23). Their ﬁnding held for a variety of measures of income poverty—although, they noted at one point, “we may be at risk of overestimating the progress that has been made” (ibid, 29). In a detailed riposte, Meth (2006a) argued that van der Berg et al. underestimated substantially the numbers of people in poverty. Meth conceded that the proportion and number of poor people might have declined in the early 2000s, but by much less than van der Berg et al. claimed. The poverty rate is undoubtedly sensitive to quite small changes in income ﬂows (whether through employment or through governmentprovided social assistance).
There is widespread consensus that the decline in poverty in the early 2000s—whatever its magnitude—resulted primarily from the substantial increase in the government’s real expenditure on well-targeted social assistance programs. The precise change in income poverty in the early 2000s remains unclear, however. Because many people have incomes close to the poverty line and because there is such pronounced inequality between rich and poor, even small methodological differences can have large effects on measured poverty rates.
After Apartheid: Reinventing South Africa? by Ian Shapiro, Kahreen Tebeau